Can Saaho overtake the war of Hritik Roshans

From apartheid society to rainbow nation: South Africa's transition to an economically sound democratic welfare state [1. Ed. 2019] 978-3-658-27506-8, 978-3-658-27507-5

Table of contents:
Front Matter .... Pages I-XVIII
Thematic introduction (Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel) .... Pages 1-38
Development towards the apartheid society and its decline (Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel) .... Pages 39-110
Winding up the apartheid state and initiating the transition to a democratic welfare state under President de Klerk (1989–1994) (Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel) .... Pages 111-140
The RDP as the starting and framework program for socio-economic change under President Mandela (1994–1999) (Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel) .... Pages 141-175
Continuation of change under President Mbeki (1999–2009) (Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel) .... Pages 177-209
Results of socio-economic change in South Africa under the first two democratically elected presidents (Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel) .... Pages 211-243
Status and continuation of the socio-economic transformation (Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel) .... Pages 245-285
Back Matter .... Pages 287-376

Citation preview

Global society and international relations

Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel

From apartheid society to rainbow nation South Africa's transition to an economically sound democratic welfare state

Global Society and International Relations series published by Thomas Jäger, Cologne, Germany

Further volumes in the series http://www.springer.com/series/12384

Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel

From apartheid society to rainbow nation South Africa's transition to an economically sound democratic welfare state

Michael Thomas P. Sprenger-Menzel Cologne, Germany Accepted as a dissertation by the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Cologne in 2019.

ISSN 2626-2339 ISSN 2626-2347 (electronic) Global Society and International Relations ISBN 978-3-658-27507-5 (eBook) ISBN 978-3-658-27506-8 https://doi.org/10.1007/978 -3-658-27507-5 The German National Library lists this publication in the German National Bibliography; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. Springer VS © Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, a part of Springer Nature 2019 The work including all its parts is protected by copyright. Any use that is not expressly permitted by copyright law requires the prior consent of the publisher. This applies in particular to copying, editing, translation, microfilming and saving and processing in electronic systems. The reproduction of generally descriptive names, brands, company names etc. in this work does not mean that they can be freely used by anyone. The authorization for use is subject to the rules of trademark law, even without separate notice. The rights of the respective owner of the mark are to be observed. The publisher, the authors and the editors assume that the details and information in this work are complete and correct at the time of publication. Neither the publisher, nor the authors or editors, expressly or implicitly, accept any liability for the content of the work, any errors or statements. The publisher remains neutral with regard to geographical assignments and territorial designations in published maps and institutional addresses. Springer VS is an imprint of the registered company Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH and is part of Springer Nature. The company's address is: Abraham-Lincoln-Str. 46, 65189 Wiesbaden, Germany

content

1 Thematic introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1.1 Introduction to the topic, problem and basic terms. . . 1 1.2 Methodology, course of investigation, structure and aim of the investigation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 †

2 Development towards the apartheid society and its decline. . . . . . . 2.1 People of South Africa - Early History and Basic Concepts. . . . . 2.2 People, raw materials, British imperialism and wars. . . . . . . . 2.3 Separation of people: establishment of the apartheid society. . . . 2.4 Crisis and decline of apartheid society: the beginning of the transition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Liquidation of the apartheid state and initiation of the transition to a democratic welfare state under President de Klerk (1989–1994). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Negotiations, Terrorism and Democracy in the Rainbow Nation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Draft programs for a democratic post-apartheid South Africa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.1 Freedom Charter, National Economic Forum and ANC election manifesto. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.2 The Mont Fleur scenarios. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.3 The Macroeconomic Research Group (MERG): Pioneers of the RDP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2.4 Program for obtaining the ANC's electoral victory - the RDP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Urgent fields of action for socio-economic change. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

39 39 54 65 86

111 111 118 118 123 126 129 132

VI

Content

3.3.1 Basic livelihoods, housing and infrastructure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 Education and training. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.3 Optimizing health care. . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.4 Securing livelihoods by creating jobs. . . . . 4 The RDP as the starting point and framework program for socio-economic change under President Mandela (1994–1999). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Initial situation and start of implementation of the RDP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Difficulties in implementing the RDP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 COSATU September scenarios for evaluating the effects of the RDP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Complement the RDP with growth and employment programs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.1 Growth, Jobs and Redistribution (GEAR). . . . . . 4.4.2 National and international investment promotion policy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4.3 Medium-term financial framework (MTEF) from 1999. . . . . . 5 Continuation of change under President Mbeki (1999–2009). . . . . . . . 5.1 South Africa at the end of the 1990s - a slow process of change. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Outward turns (African Renaissance and NEPAD) and inward turns (affirmative action and BEE). . . . . . . 5.3 At the end of the Mbeki era. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.1 Focus on clear and growth-oriented programs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3.2 Overall socio-economic and political situation at the end of the Mbeki era. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Results of socio-economic change in South Africa among the first two democratically elected presidents. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Basic livelihoods and the reduction of the worst of poverty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Situation of the education system and access to higher education. . . . . . . . 6.3 Quality of the health system. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 The situation in the formal and informal labor market. .

132 133 138 139

141 141 151 156 160 160 172 174 177 177 189 198 198 204 211 211 219 237 242

Content

7 Status and continuation of the socio-economic transformation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Reconstruction and Development from Mandela to Ramaphosa: Reduction of poverty, redistribution and economic growth in South Africa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Present and future of South Africa - outlook 2020–2024. . . . . . . 7.3 Unanswered questions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

VII

245 245 263 273

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 Appendix 1: Ranking of African Universities in Africa and Worldwide (Times Higher Education Supplement-World University Ranking). . . . . . . . . . 371 Appendix 2: Excerpts from the study of crime in South Africa (summer 1994 to the end of 1997). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373

VII

List of figures and tables

Illustrations Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3

GDP growth rates in South Africa from 1981–2012. . . . . . . . . . . Dilemmas - Economic Growth Job Creation. . . . Development of the euro (€) - rand (ZAR) exchange rate 1999–2014. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 4 Development of foreign trade and exchange rates between ZAR and US dollars - 1995–2018. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 5 Failure rates / pass rates - Matriculation RSA 2017 (in percent). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 6 Unemployment rate in South Africa in the new millennium (2000–2015). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 7 Income inequality in South Africa: negative trend line 1994–2022. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 8 Gini coefficient in the five worst countries, 2000–2011. . . Fig. 9 RDP and GINI coefficient for South Africa 1991–2018. . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 10 Raids on farms in South Africa and murders of farming families. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

170 202 203 204 229 248 251 253 256 283

Tables Tab. 1 Tab. 2 Tab. 3

Gradual withholding of the right to vote ("Disenfranchisement"). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Racist Laws (Cape Colony and South African Union). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 laws (a selection) for the establishment of (grand) apartheid. . . . . . 66

X

Tab. 4 Tab. 5 Tab. 6 Tab. 7 Tab. 8 Tab. 9 Tab. 10 Tab. 11 Tab. 12 Tab. 13 Tab. 14 Tab. 15

Figures and tables

Brief overview: major parties, political movements, military wings, alliances and commissions in southern Africa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 reasons for the end of apartheid society - an overview. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 First rough overview: degrees of education at the end of apartheid. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 COSATU September scenarios in tabular summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Development of economic indicators 1996–1999 (GEAR). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Whom do South Africans trust “not at all” or only “somewhat”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 Simple example of a BBBEE scoring (BBBEE scoring card). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 Percentage achieved - Matriculation RSA 2017 (in percent). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 The ten best universities in Africa (THE-WUR Rankings 2019). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 Gini coefficient from 1995 to 2005 by population group. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 Gini coefficients of the Metropolitan Municipalities of the RSA. . . . 255 indicators for the socio-economic development of the whole of Africa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267

List of abbreviations

A AA AAC AB ABI ACCORD ACDP ADM ADT AIDS AIIB ANC ANCWL ANCYL AP APDP APLA APuZ ASECS AsgiSA AU AV AVU AWB AZAPO BAWU BC B.C. BCM BCMA BBBEE /

Assets Affirmative Action Anglo American Corporation (in South Africa) Afrikaner Broederbond Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut at the University of Freiburg im Breisgau African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes African Christian Democratic Party African Democratic Movement American District Telegraph Company (founding company of Fidelity ADT Inc. , Member of the Fidelity Security Group) Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank African National Congress ANC Women's League ANC Youth League Associated Press Automotive Production and Development Plan (from 2009: Automotive Production and Development Program) Azanian People's Liberation Army From Politics and Contemporary History American Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa African Union (until 2002: OAU) Afrikaner Volkswag Afrikaner Volksunie Afrikaner Resistance Movement Azanian People's Organization Black Allied Workers' Union Black Cons ciousness Before Christ Black Consciousness Movement Black Consciousness Movement of Azania Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (spelling in

XII B-BBEE BCP BEE BER BGBl. BIP BIPreal BMSC BP BPC BRIC BRICS BS BTI BWB BWL cap. CEC CEO CHED CODESA CODESRIA CONSAWU CONTRALESA COSATU CP CPS CPSA CROI CSDS CSG CSI CUSA CYL DA DBSA DBEd Ded DESTATIS DESTIN DFID DGB DIHK DIRCO DISA DME DNA



Abbreviations DP DNT DPRU DTI / dti DÜI EAG EDGE EIU EPD / epd EPRP EPSG ERG Eskom / ESKOM ESID ETRG EUROSTAT EZB FA FAFO FAK FAO FAS FAZ FBAE FBE FDI FDG Fed FEDSAL FEDUSA FES FF + FRS FOSATU FrIG FRIMO FRIMO GK / GKSA GMS GNU

V. Freedom Front plus Frontline States (Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe) Federation of South African Trade Unions Frater and / or Father Frankfurter Rundschau Franchise Action Council Fellow of the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors Frente de Libertação de Moçambique Great Britain Growth, Employment and Redistribution (Program) German Institute of Global and Area Studies / Leibniz Institute for Global and Regional Studies (until 2006: DÜI) Gereformeerde Kerke in Suid-Afrika Glasgow Missionary Society Government of National Unity XIII

XIV

HDI HNP HIPC HIV HR HSF HSRC IAK IBRD ICU ID IDA IDASA / idasa Idasa IDRC IDS / ids IDT IFAS IFRA IFP IGD IGB IHK IJR ILAS ILO IMF INISA IOL IRR ISO ISPI ISS ISSA ITUC IWF JIPSA JKU KAS KMI KPdSU KP KPdSU

Abbreviations

V. Independent Online (news service) Institute of Race Relations (= SAIRR) International Organization for Standardization Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale Institute for Security Studies Southern Africa Information Center International Trade Union Confederation International Monetary Fund (IMF) (South African Government's) Joint Initiative on Priority Skills Acquisition Johannes Kepler University Linz Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V. KwaZulu-Natal Marketing Initiative Conservatory Party Communist Party of the Soviet Union (USSR) Kagiso Trust

Abbreviations LL.B. LMS LMU LP LSE MDC A MDC-T MERG MIDP million MISA WITH MK MP billion MRF MTPBS MTEF NA NAAMSA NACTU NALEDI NATU NDB NDP NEC NEDLAC NEF NEHAWU NEPAD NGK NGKA NGO NGP NGSK NIC NJ MED NMCF NMF NUM Numsa NP NSNU NNU NSBC NUM

der AU) Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Afrika Non-Governmental Organization National Growth Plan Nederduitse Gereformeerde Sendingkererk Newly Industrializing Country New Jersey Minority Educational Development Nelson Mandela Children's Fund Nelson Mandela Foundation National Union of Mines National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa Nuwe Nasionale Party Nuwe Nasionale Party Nasionale Party National Security Agency National Small Business Chamber National Union of Mines XV

XVI

Abbreviations

NWC National Working Committee (des ANC) OAU Organization of African Unity (since 2002: AU) OB Ossewabrandwag OD Old Data (Data 5 Years old or more - not reliable) OECD Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development ÖFSE Austrian Research Center for International Development ÖGB Austrian Trade Union Federation OMI Oblatae Mariae Immaculatae (worldwide mission order) OP Ordo (fratrum) Praedicatorum (preacher brothers / Dominicans) OPC Ovamboland People's Congress OPO Ovamboland People's Organization OVS Oranje-Vrystaat PAC Pan Africanist Congress of Azania PFP Progressive Federal Party PO Progressive Post Office PAESA Project Alternative Education in South Africa PFMA Public Finance Management Act POPCRU Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union PPP Purchasing Power Parity PRGF Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper PVS Political quarterly RAU Randse Afrikaanse University (2005 merger with Witwatersrand Technikon and Parts of Vista University to Johannesburg University = UJ) RCA Reformed Church in Africa RDP Reconstruction and Development Program Rev. Reverend RSA Republic of South Africa / Republiek van Suid-Afrika / Republic of South Africa RWTH Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule zu Aachen SA South Africa / Suid Africa / South African / South Africa SAA South African Airways (see also SAL) SAAF South African Air Force SABC South African Broadcasting Corporation Ltd.SABRA Suid-Afrikaanse Buro vir Rasseaangelegenhede SACBC Southern African Catholic Bishops' Conference SACC South African Council of Churches SABTU South African Black Theater Union SACP South African Communist Party (until 1950 still: CPSA) SACS South African Communication Service SACTU South African Congress of Trade Unions SADCC Southern African Development Coordination Conference SADF South African Defense Force (from 1994: SANDF) SADTU South African Democratic Teachers Union SAHA South Africa History Archive SAHO South African History Online SAIC South African Indian Congress

Abbreviations SAIIA SAIRR SAIS SAJEMS SAL SANNC SANDF SANLAM SANTAM SAP SAP SAPSA SARB SARDC SASAWU SASO SATLC SATPP SBDC SDR SMB SME SMME SOC SOE SOPA Soweto Sr. SRF SWAPO SWP TU SZR TAU SA taz TBVC TH THE TIMSS SA TV TLU

German Institute for International Politics and Security Special Drawing Rights at the World Bank Group Tranvsvaal Agricultural Union Suid Afrika Daily newspaper Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei Technische Hochschule / Technische Hochschulen (The London) Times Higher Education (Supplement) Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study Trade & Industrial Policy Strategies Transvaalse Landboun Unie Suid Afrika Total National Strategy Tripartite Alliance (ANC, COSATU & SACP) Truth and Reconciliation Commission Technical University / Technical Universities Trade Union Council of South Africa Television (television) XVII

XVIII

Abbreviations

Tvl. Transvaal TVU Transvaal Agricultural Union UCT University of Cape Town UDF Union Defense Force (1913–1958, SADF from 1958) UDF United Democratic Front (founded 1983) UDM United Democratic Movement USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics UJ University of Johannesburg UK United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland UN / UN B. the CPSU of the USSR or the SACP)

Thematic introduction †

1 Thematic introduction

1.1

Introduction to the topic, problem definition and basic terms

1.1

Introduction to the topic, problem definition and basic terms

1

Based on a description of the historical causes, events and processes that underlie the emergence of the apartheid society, this study will first look at the unique, complex history and ethnic origins of South Africa1, without their fundamental knowledge, even the entire political and socio-economic situation of today's Republic of South Africa can not be understood, presented and explained in summarized form. Although the fate of South Africans of different skin colors and ethnicities is particularly closely linked in religious, economic and social terms through a common, often painful history, the various ethnicities have mostly retained a separate sense of identity up to modern times. This is why historians, sociologists, economists, philosophers and all humanities scholars to this day are hardly able to write a satisfactory national history of South Africa, which 1 For an introductory and clear account of the complex history of South Africa see van Jaarsveld (1961), van Jaarsveld (1975), Muller (1980), Harrison (1985) and v. a. to the history of the XX. Century, Beinart (2001). In the German language cf. B. Raabe (1990), Fisch (1991), Pabst (2008), and, more recently, Hagemann (2018) and also Marx (2012). For historical observations over three decades, Countess Dönhoff (1987); for a contemporary historical status report on the provinces of South Africa see March (2018a) and for clear - not only historically oriented, but also with other focal points - country portraits of the "most beautiful country in the world" (Dieterich (2017), p. 197) see ibid . (2017). Archbishop Tutus, the former development commissioner, offers a story from the point of view of the common people from childhood as a “kaffir” to the dawn of a democracy (see Roberts (2014)). © Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2019 M. T. P. Sprenger-Menzel, From Apartheid Society to Rainbow Nation, Global Society and International Relations, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27507-5_1

2

1 Thematic introduction

really does justice to all South Africans or to the population groups who still feel as such in the same or at least adequately.2 An important temporal focus from the perspective of a qualitative political science perspective will then be on the roughly two decades of South African legal, economic and political science Social history lie in four terms of the South African parliament. It is the historically and politically significant time from the final abolition of apartheid and the transfer of power after centuries of rule by the white minority of South Africa under President de Klerk (1989-1994) to the fundamental change to a democratically constituted3 social welfare state on the Basis of the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) presented by the African National Congress (ANC) under President Mandela and under President Mbeki4, who resigned at the end of 2008 (after a loss of confidence in his own party) eight months before the end of his second (regular five-year) term in office. President Frederik W. de Klerk, together with his later successor Nelson R. Mandela, the first democratically elected President of the "New South Africa", first coined by Archbishop Desmond M. Tutu, had a historically and ethnically fitting symbol for the "New South Africa" Expression of the "Rainbow Nation" used to emphasize the many colorful peoples and ethnic groups of South Africa. From the beginning of May 1994 a "rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world" 5 should be created. Here all South Africans should

2 Almost three decades ago, the two colonial historians Lewis H. Gann & Peter Duignan considered this colonial-historical and ethnic special situation of the “peoples” of South Africa in a work published in December 1980 (cf. Gann & Duignan (1980)). You have also summarized this in a few words in the chapter on the “peoples” of South Africa in the German edition “South Africa goes its way” of your detailed and very well structured historical work (cf. Gann & Duignan (1982), p. 19). 3 For the new constitution, see below. 4 Since Jacob G. Zuma, who was initially elected as the next president by the ANC, was not a Member of Parliament (MP), President Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe, sworn in as interim president from the beginning, held office from the end of September 2008 to May 2009 who then stepped down for his successor Jacob Zuma and remained Vice President under President Zuma until 2014. 5 President Mandela in his introduction to the office of President. For these and other important speeches, see Mandela's Mandela (2009a) and Mandela (2018).

1.1 Introduction to the topic, problem and basic terms

3

a l l e r skin colors and religions are peacefully united to form the colorful “Rainbow People of God” 6. The outgoing President Frederik Willem de Klerk and the future President of South Africa Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela8 received the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize for the initiation and - provisional, largely comparatively peaceful7 - achievement of the "New South Africa" ​​as a "Rainbow Nation" with people of the Republic of South Africa living together peacefully and in harmony . The Nobel Prize was awarded for making a peaceful and "conciliatory" transition from the authoritarian apartheid society to a democratic welfare state possible, largely achieved through negotiations, with a basic rights catalog contained in South Africa's new constitution 9 as the "Bill of Rights" 10 with the rights and obligations of citizens political, economic and social issues based on complete equality between cultures, skin colors and genders. In 1997 the new constitution, which was based on equality, was 6 See also the book: The Rainbow People of God, Tutu (1996). 7 In a very detailed study published by the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), Jeffery also points out that only between 1984 and 1994, the time of the initiation of the transition and the actual transition from the racial oligarchy of the Apartheid for democracy in South Africa around 20,500 deaths were recorded. Both sides, the apartheid state and the ANC, are likely to have “given nothing” to each other (cf. taz of June 23, 1997: “The burdens of armed struggle are catching up with South Africa's ANC” and Jeffery (2009)). 8 For information on life, thinking and topics of Mandela's collection of speeches, see Asmal, Chidester & James 2003, Carlin (2009) and Carlin 2014, Mandela (2011) and - in German - Nürnberger & Kaußen (2018). For a compilation of the characterizations of Mandela by other personalities in contemporary history, see Matabane, Abramsky & Beetz (2014), passim. 9 In the constitution of South Africa passed in 1996, a - not by chance - recognizable orientation towards the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany of 23 May 1949 (see Federal Law Gazette p. 1), which is due to the fact that, starting as early as the 1980s, very many German constitutional lawyers, often in cooperation with the major German political foundations, especially the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and the Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung, many symposia on the planned South African constitution with an abundance of publications of the foundations have published on constitutional models through to commemorative articles, etc. (cf. e.g. Klein (1987), Horowitz (1991), Kotzé (1996) or Butler (1996)). The references to the Basic Law can be seen in many details, e.g. B. also in the area of ​​the division of tasks of the regional authorities to the finer points of local government or regional administration (cf. Ismail & Mpaisha (1997)). 10 See Strydom, Pretorius & Klinck (1997), p. 7. 3

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1 Thematic introduction

social welfare state with a democratic party system should come into force. The change or the targeted, above all economically and socio-politically based transformation to a democratic welfare state in the Republic of South Africa after the end of apartheid was primarily intended to reduce the socio-economic inequality that was evident during the apartheid period, especially those along the (then) “racial boundaries” ". At the same time, this change should help reduce the poverty of broad masses of the population, especially the black masses. “Poverty” may well be understood, among other things, as a lack of freedom to meet basic existential needs (and those of one's own family); In this respect, in particular, not self-inflicted poverty can also be viewed as a violation of fundamental rights and the dignity of a person, as happens in Africa and other continents.11 The socio-economic change, which is so important for a prosperous future in South Africa and the internal peace of the country, should be as swift as possible on the basis of a macroeconomically sound program12 announced by the first democratic government under the ANC and widely used during the election campaign in spring 1994, the Reconstruction and Development Program. The RDP formed the framework for the intended socio-economic, welfare state-oriented restructuring and the further development of the economy13 and society in South Africa14. For this purpose, at least in the original intention of its authors, a period of five years (1994–1999) was envisaged. Because of the medium to long-term goals and consequences of implementing the RDP - and because of the fact that it includes almost all social spheres. 11 Cf. also Lopi, Mulikita, Zirima & Mugoni (2008), p. 8. 12 The macroeconomic and also growth-oriented and included After two decades of low economic growth in the 1970s and 1980s, the RDP's welfare state orientation was also urgently needed. On the various periods of South Africa's macroeconomic policy in the turbulent times before and during the 1980s, see Moll (1990), Terreblanche & Nattrass (1990) and Moll (1994), pp. 237-258. 13 The business world was happy to accept the RDP, which the people initially spoke of as “as a holy thing, beyond debate - at least in the goals” (Financial Times of July 18, 1994: “A powerful spirit of unity”). 14 For the wording of the RDP, see ANC (1994a) and ANC (1994b), or - more easily and directly accessible online - in the historical archive of Professor Padraig O'Malley, who was born in Ireland and who teaches at North American and South African universities, supported by the Nelson Mandela Foundation under “Transition (1990–1994)” → “Documents and Reports” → 1994 → “Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP)” (cf. RDP / O'Malley (n.d.).

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Scope of its objective - in this interdisciplinary study, starting from a historical introduction with special consideration of theological and ideological, sociodemographic, socio-economic, economic and socio-political as well as legal perspectives, important aspects and backgrounds of the history of South Africa up to the decisive transition period 1989-1994 and the Abolition of apartheid can be considered under President Frederik Willem de Klerk. Above all, however, the comprehensive process of change during the first three five-year legislative periods under the two presidents Nelson R. Mandela (1994–1999) and Thabo M. Mbeki (1999–2008), both members of the most important ruling party, the African National Congress, should be examined. explained and qualitatively based on its measurable or assessable results, and where it appears necessary or where reliable sources are available, sometimes also quantitatively assessed. After the transitional legislative period with the transition from the apartheid society to the Rainbow Nation under President de Klerk (1989–1994), the first implementation of the RDP should take place during President Mandela's government (May 10, 1994 to June 14, 1999) and the almost two legislative periods of government President Thabo M. Mbekis15 should be considered. 15 Incidentally, Mbeki was by no means the preferred candidate of his predecessor Mandelas. This was the 1993 general secretary of the SACP, chief of staff of the military wing of the ANC (Umkhonto we Sizwe, MK) and ANC executive member Chris Hani. As the next candidate, Mandela would have preferred ANC General Secretary Cyril Ramaphosa. But Thabo Mbeki, the hardened “exile”, namely an ANC member who survived in exile for years (cf. on the “imprint” of the exile Suttner (2003)), succeeded in using political maneuvers to raise the general party mood and thus the To raise the majority of the ANC against the “incile” Ramaphosa, who remained in the country. In principle, “exiles” of the ANC seem to mistrust all “inciles” deep in their hearts, including Ramaphosa, the union leader with good, perhaps too good, contacts with big business in South Africa. So Mbeki managed to outdo Ramaphosa in the fight for the successor to Mandela. Ramaphosa then switched to business, disappointed, where he became one of the richest men in South Africa as a successful entrepreneur (cf. also Chan, pp. 80-81 and the Forbes list of the richest South Africans 2015, where he was ranked 12th (cf. Forbes ( 2016)). Ramaphosa returned to politics barely two years ago and was elected President of the ANC in December 2017. As the successor to President Mbeki, who had once outstripped Ramaphosa, Mandela's second favorite candidate, and retired President Zumas, who at the end of a presidency riddled with corruption scandals of all kinds, as a result of which the NEC of the ANC forced “Comrade” Zuma to resign a good year (February 2018) "belatedly" but took up the presidency in South Africa. On the Forbes lists 5

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The greatest possible scientific objectification of an assessment of the results of the socio-economic transformation, taking into account the objectives of the Reconstruction and Development Program sine ira et studio, which the author strives for, requires the socio-economic impact of the RDP and the achievement of the RDP's goals to be examined beyond the limited development from 1989–2009 to consider the present day South Africa. Therefore, developments up to the most recent times (2018 and 2019), i.e. H.in fact, the long-term further development of South Africa after the implementation of the RDP will be observed and evaluated in selected fields of action. For example, the results and effects of measures to improve an education system (schools and universities) can only be adequately and fairly assessed one to two decades later. At the beginning of the study, some important basic terms and facts for understanding the extremely complex historical, socio-economic and legal situation in South Africa should be presented and explained, which can only be understood with a basic knowledge of the historical origins and development of the apartheid state.

Ramaphosa was no longer managed in 2018 and 2019. A separate list for South Africa was no longer published, only one list for the whole of Africa (see Forbes (2019)). President Ramaphosa no longer appears in other lists of other providers in 2018 and 2019.

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The term “apartheid” 17, which comes from the Afrikaans language16, can be traced back to the adjective “apart”, which, from an etymological point of view, occurs in many northern and western European and Romance languages. It means “special”, “special”, “separate”, “independent” and “separate” or “separate”. In fact, the term “apartheid” was originally intended as a friendly and constructive18 term, as opposed to the negative term “segregation”, but in practical use it was used in the domestic (for the “English-born” population of South Africa) as well as in foreign use (for all People with English mother tongue) only understood negatively. Already because of its too "German" or too "Germanic" sounding character and also because of its pronunciation in English (often corrupted to "apart-hate",

16 The descendants of mainly Dutch, German, French and Cape Malay settlers mixed with each other and, like the independent group of colored people, adopted an independent culture, the Afrikaans culture (cf., for example, the chapter “Die Afrikaner en sy kultuur ”in Scholtz (1979), pp. 53-82). They developed their own new language, Afrikaans, in which it was used from the middle of the XIX. He gave his own newspapers, dictionaries, grammars and fiction literature (cf. Hofmeyr (2014). Incidentally, one of the better-known Afrikaans writers and poets is Breyten Breytenbach, who once founded a secret ANC group called "Okhela" while in exile in Paris After a secret return to South Africa in 1975, he was arrested and sentenced to seven years in prison for trying to establish an underground network in South Africa (see Pabst (1997), p. 199) and later actively helped initiate talks between the ANC and members of the Afrikaaner establishment (see below, at the end of section 2.4) Foreign scholars, such as the linguist Heinrich Meyer-Benfey (associate professor at the University of Hamburg), published their own scientific papers as early as the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries Works on Afrikaans (see e.g. Meyer-Benfey (1901), see also Bosman (1916) and Bosman (1928)) . The early emerging population group of the “Kleurlinge” (“Coloreds”) or colored people (on their historical development from 1652–1977 cf. Rambaek (1979)), especially in the Cape provinces, spoke and speaks predominantly Afrikaans to this day (and to date little English). Today, Afrikaans is probably the youngest language on earth and, alongside English, isiXhosa, isiZulu, North Sotho, Sesotho, Setswana, Siswati, South Ndebele, Thsivenda and Xitsonga, one of the eleven official languages ​​of South Africa. 17 Cf. also Bosman, van der Merwe & Hiemstra (1988), p. 38, under the term: “apartheid”: “apartness, separatess; distinctness, racial separation or segregation ". Similar translations can also be found in Venter (2018), p. 12 (there also “afsonderlik” or “peculiar”, “separated”, but the term “apartheid” (in the sense of a segregation or racial segregation policy) is missing!) And o.V. (2018), p. 19, where the term “apartheid” is translated as follows: “the official government policy of racial segregation in SA that ended with the multi-racial; democratic elections 1994 ". 18 critics could also say: “euphemistic” term. 7th

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d. H. “Apart-hatred”) 19 and because of the painful effects of apartheid in South Africa, the term “apartheid” was increasingly negatively understood. In the course of the decades it even degenerated linguistically into an "international" swear word "for group hatred20". This began at the latest in 1960, after the "riots" in Sharpeville (in March 1960) 21 and intensified after the - due to the overreaction of the police at the time 19 See Cillié (1987), p. 29. 20 Cillié (1987), p 29. Nonetheless, Posel rightly emphasizes that apartheid was never considered an “exterminationist project”; in contrast to other ideologies and regimes, such as “systematically racialized regimes such as the Nazi state.” On the contrary, it was one of the imperatives of apartheid to keep (most) black people alive, albeit under conditions of perpetual servitude, and submission, so as to keep the structures of white supremacy intact ”(Posel (2011), p. 322, cf. also Adam (1997)). 21 A township around 60 km south of Johannesburg. There was a demonstration known as the “Defiance Campaign” between 5,000 and 7,000 black demonstrators without ID. Among them were high-ranking PAC officials who had called for "civil disobedience" in the spirit of Mohanda K. "Mahatma" Gandhi. Gandhi himself lived in South Africa from 1893 to 1914 and founded the South African Indian Congress (SAIC) (cf. Guha (2015) and (Desai & Vahed 2016)). The demonstrators had come to the demonstration deliberately without a passbook or reference book (see Table 3 in Section 2.3 on “Influx control”) in order to force the police, who were forced to arrest demonstrators without identification papers according to the prevailing legal situation, to make several thousand arrests and thus overcrowding or overwhelming the prisons. But the situation had heated up so much that there was a massacre with 69 dead (including 15 children and young people) and another 300 injured. The police (SAPSA) were among others. armed with machine guns and shot at the originally peaceful demonstrators, supported by military forces, even the air force. Strikes and riots broke out across South Africa and around 18,000 "strikers" were arrested. After strong condemnation by the UN Security Council and a threat from the Commonwealth to expel the South African Union, the government proclaimed the "Republic of South Africa", which immediately withdrew from the Commonwealth. Opposition and resistance groups, such as the PAC and the ANC, went into the armed underground (according to an M-Plan (Mandela-Plan)) according to the decision of the NEC of the ANC in September 1960 (see Couper (2010), p. 100) and into exile in neighboring and distant countries. Most of all, they went to European capitals, which also had South African embassies. For its part, the ANC set up “representations”. The ANC and the SACP also founded their own secret groups, some of whose members received guerrilla training in Moscow. In London there were e.g. B. the group “Vella Pillay”, named after a leading SACP opponent of apartheid (cf. Asmal & Hadland (2011), p. 37 and Kasrils (2012), p. 5-7). The first bomb exploded on December 16, 1961, which many ANC members saw as “finally” being repulsed (cf. Sachs (2014), p. 227).

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from mere public “demonstrations” to “riots” - protests of around 15,000 schoolchildren in June 1976 in Soweto22. By 1977, other municipalities joined the protests. In order to separate the ethnic groups geographically, there were many forced resettlements and expulsions. Between 1960 and 1983 alone there were "forced removals" of around 3.5 million inhabitants23 - apparently mostly without compensation. Forced relocations and expulsions also occurred after the - internationally mostly unrecognized - grant of independence to the homelands24 Transkei (1976), Bophuthatswana (1977), Venda (1979) and Ciskei (1981), also known as "TBVC States", and before Especially after the simultaneous forced expatriations of all people “assigned” to the TBVC states25, which ensured that the deportees were deprived of their South African citizenship in favor of a new citizenship in one of the homelands. The Afrikaans word “apartheid” is now a loan word in most of the world's languages ​​and describes the segregation (racial segregation) in South Africa, which over the years has seen the European minority of the 22 Soweto, today a suburb south-west of Johannesburg , was founded in 1963 from the amalgamation of around 30 smaller South Western townships. Increasing infrastructure and supply problems erupted on June 16, 1976 in school and student protests co-organized by the BCM (Black Consciousness Movement), when the government demanded that half of the lessons in the upper classes be in Afrikaans (instead of exclusively in English) hold. The uprisings spread to other townships and cities and, after the police overreacted and fired into the crowd, according to official figures 197 (cf. Albrecht (1977), p. 84), but actually claimed around 700 deaths by autumn 1977 (see Kane-Berman (1978), p. 28). This long-lasting unrest (with several hundred fatalities) has been commemorated - because of its symbolism - since 1995 as "Youth Day" (formerly "Soweto Day") with a national holiday on June 16. On the 40th memory there were arson in universities, schools and devastation of libraries in order to “reinforce” the demand for the abolition of tuition fees in the “New South Africa” (cf. taz of June 16, 2016: “The beginning of the end of the Apartheid"). 23 Cf. with many very exact details, location and time information on “forced removals” Platzky & Walker (1985), passim or also Tutu & Tutu (2010), pp. 98–100. Allan Boesak's birthplace and the community in which he lived were "destroyed by the government bulldozers" (Boesak (1992), p. 130). There were over 19 million convictions for offenses against the passport laws (see Anstey (1992), p. 142). 24 According to the legal opinion during the apartheid period, blacks living in “white” areas only worked as foreign guest workers because they only (still) had the “citizenship” of their homelands (cf. also Wilhelmy (1985), p. 1 and Welsh (1994), p. 182). 25 Cf. Talmon (2006), p. 177. 9

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“Whites” presumed to believe themselves to be masters or “bosses” (afrikaans “Baas”) over all other non-white26 population groups in an authoritarian relationship (“baasskap”) that was felt to be natural, as it were. 26 Comment on the use of terms in general : In view of the injustices of every racism, especially racist classifications of people, with which an economic exploitation, a social and a political segregation (as happened in South Africa) or even a targeted physical extermination (as for example among the National Socialists in Europe, but also in Countries of Africa and Asia), after the end of apartheid it has become customary in scientific treatises, especially those with historical references, to make it clear that attempts to describe the realities in South Africa are "problematic", regardless of the skin color of a person having. The Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) tried to circumvent this difficulty conceptually, but at the cost of a lack of clarity and precision in expression, by simply calling all non-whites, e.g. B. also Asians and Indians, called "blacks". Changes on the linguistic and conceptual level should therefore be achieved with which “however, the constant reality cannot yet be understood” (Matschke (2006), p. 19). Even the editor of a book by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who is not suspicious of any trace of racism, believes he has to point out the difficulties of such terms, and that the term “black” sometimes only refers to people of purely African descent (“black people of purely African descent ”(Tutu (1996), p. XIX)). If you speak in South Africa z. B. from "Europeans", so it is possible that these "Europeans" are South Africans, whose families in the 17th generation live as people of European origin in South Africa, and of course see themselves as "locals", which is also true of their opponents is recognized (see Adam & Moodley (1987), p. 250). The division of the people of South Africa according to the Population Registration Act with its (main) categories “African”, “Asian”, “Indian”, “Colored”, “White” etc. (as “cornerstones of the apartheid regime” (van der Merwe (1985), p. 50 and du Toit & Kotzé (2001), p. XIII) had (negative) effects on the legal system, social coexistence, economy and politics in South Africa. In 1991 the Population Registration Act was abolished and many relied on Terms relating to people with their external differences or physical characteristics are questioned and rejected. Often they are replaced by new, but unfortunately not unproblematic terms. South African scientists themselves have found that "racial classifications remain an integral part of political analysis" (McDonald (2008), p. XXII) Even the government and the ANC continue to use such terms after the abolition of the Population Registration Act, even in Gese tzen, z. B. in the Employment Act of 1998. For the purposes of conceptual precision and historical honesty in questions about history, society, church and politics in South Africa, especially as regards the period before 1994, terms such as “black”, “colored”, “ indigenous ”,“ indigenous people ”,“ white ”or“ not-white ”or“ non-European ”cannot be avoided when describing the realities of South Africa when it comes to a humanities-oriented historical, sociological and especially political science analysis (cf. also Seegers 1996, p. VIII).

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and also practical to provide. In daily South African reality, the racial segregation expressed itself spatially through its own residential areas (in Bantustans or Homelands) or in the allocation of "own" work and residential areas near the cities (the cities, so to speak, as places of the "white man" 27), in townships, for blacks (sometimes with the loss of their previous rental apartments in the cities) and through social discrimination in the form of their own schools, separate entrances to public buildings and public facilities, such as B. Beaches, park benches or toilets for “non-whites” as part of “Petty Apartheid” 28. The historical period of apartheid, with a high phase between around the end of the 1940s and the end of the 1980s, ended after years of discussion and negotiation with the change of government in 1994 . Questioning the continued use of “race categories of apartheid” (“daring to question their continued use” (Erasmus 2012)) goes completely unheard of. Anyone who has been to South Africa in recent years and maintains contact with the country and its people, like the author, can confirm what political scientists, but also journalists from South Africa, underline with amazement again and again. The political scientist and journalist Prof. Stephan Kaußen, who regularly stays in South Africa and who did his doctorate on the political transformation of South Africa and has published several times on South Africa (cf. e.g. Kaußen (2004a), Kaußen (2004b) and Kaußen (2014)) beto nt that especially in Germany with its past the use of terms such as “black” and “white”, and also “African” or even “race” is problematic, but in South Africa itself, despite the apartheid past, in daily usage “every day” , open and uncomplicated - quite normal "(Kaußen (2014), p.8) and “black”, “white”, even “races” are spoken of “everywhere”, in families, groups of friends, at work and also in parliament (cf. ibid.). Therefore, wherever it appears necessary, the author wants to use clear, directly understandable terms that are appropriate to the real historical and political conditions. It is of no use to use new terms in order to then have to offer explanations in brackets behind them using old terms and necessary differentiations, especially since every “shift in nomenclature” i. d. R. extends over decades (e.g. from the “Boer War” to the “Anglo-Boer War” and the “South African War” (cf. Marks (2011b), p. 160) and many other scholars who are concerned with the use of the term always help with explanatory brackets, such as Pollak (2009), who writes of the “South African War”, but adds “Anglo-Boer War” in brackets to clarify the situation. 27 Marx (1999 ), P. 58. 28 On Petty Apartheid, see the second, term-related note on the central concept of apartheid on the following page For a complete and detailed overview of the overall apartheid system, see Marks & Trapido (2014), passim and also Omond's Apartheid Handbook (1996) 11

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Nelson Mandela emerged as the first democratic president of South Africa. In the meantime, the term “apartheid” is often used as a synonym for any racial separation of people in general. Historical apartheid in South Africa encompassed more than just a social and political-legal system for the separation of ethnic groups, because it took into account “all spheres of contact between different racial groups” 29. The aim was a targeted and organized dynamic policy to support the spatial separation and hierarchical classification of "races" in order to privilege and supremacy the European population in the cultural, legal, political, socio-economic30 area and all conceivable areas of human coexistence At the same time, to promote, achieve and guarantee the industrialization of the country of South Africa31, and also to make the country independent of foreign influences.32 In this way, an almost unimaginable, inhuman system could emerge, which is more monstrous for foreigners Dealing between population groups among the political scientist Professor David Welsh33 very pointedly but aptly, as follows: 29 Von der Ropp (1996), p. 38. 30 Conceptual note: In today's social and economic The reality of modern states, especially that of a welfare state with a strong social system and integrated redistribution of income and assets, can be divided into the spheres of "economy" and "society" as well as "economic policy" and "social policy" because of so many overlaps and intersections and also interdependencies, e.g. . B. with the labor market or employment, housing market, education, health, pension and general social policy, no longer clearly distinguish from each other. The more a welfare state is developed, such as B. in northern and western European countries and, in terms of the intention, also in South Africa, and the more it is about an economic and social policy as provided for in the RDP, d. H. about a policy of poverty reduction and prosperity of the broad, socio-economically disadvantaged masses of South Africa, the more blurred the possible separations of these spheres, which is why the author writes "socio-economic" so often in the study, even if more social or more economic or economic or socio-political aspects are considered. 31 Cf. Schumaker (2008), p. 54. 32 Cf. also ibid. (Schumaker) and also Carter (1958), pp. 411–412 and Clark & ​​Worker (2011), pp. 4–5. Rhoodie (1969), pp. 357-363, also sees geopolitical separation as a long-term consequence of apartheid. 33 Professor Welsh taught in the Department of Political Studies at the University of Cape Town (UCT) from 1963–1997 and since his retirement as a.o. Professor in the Department of Political Science at Stellenbosch University.

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"South Africa’s System has been variously described as a racial oligarchy, a herrenvolk democracy and even a pigmentocracy" 34

The emergence of the apartheid society, with its “Grand Apartheid” 35, which was finally legally elaborated, in the worst phase from 1948 to around 34 Welsh (1994): p.135. Not least because of the even theological (Calvinist) justification (see below, in the next section), historians, political scientists and sociologists repeatedly use termini technici in connection with the emergence of apartheid and with its beginning abolition or at least "moderation" Borrowed from theology in order to "appropriately" point out the phenomena of the emergence, implementation or withdrawal of apartheid or with well-aimed allusions to the Calvinist background or its "justification". So z. E.g. when describing the history of the Afrikaans, in particular the umbrella federation FAK (Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings with 300 Afrikaans language and cultural organizations) founded in 1921 by the Afrikaner Broederbond in cooperation with the NGK (Nederduits-Gereformeerde Kerk). organized “Voortrekker Monument” and the commemorative celebrations for the “Groot Trek”, where the authors repeatedly use specifically religious connotations such as “sacred history”, “celebrations” or even “liturgical re-enactments” (cf. eg Moodie passim, especially pages 180-186), or even if Welsh about the beginning of a (only small, first) dismantling of apartheid President Pieter Willem (PW) Botha writes “Botha repudiated the traditional dogma about the temporariness of urban Africans as' visitors' ”(Welsh (1994), p. 182). 35 Second term-related note: here on the central term “apartheid”: In the scientific literature, the mass media and especially in colloquial practice in South Africa, although the two are closely interwoven and their overall effect, deliberate and systematic disadvantage and oppression cannot be completely separated , since 1959 (cf. the "inventor" of the term, Cillié (Cillié (1987), p. 35) often between a (small) "petty apartheid" and a "grand apartheid" (with their spatial separation of the population groups (racial segregation policy) On a national macro level up to the establishment of the Bantustans or later the “independent” homelands). On a micro level in everyday social life, Petty Apartheid was also visible to every tourist or research traveler at any time. Prohibition signs or plaques for the implementation of Petty Apartheid were all included, e.g. with the inscriptions: “Blankes”, “Europeans” or, even more clearly, “Whites only” or noted by the author on his first visit to South Africa (1990) on the beach in Durban in his notebook (originally written in capitals on the metal plate on the beach ): "VIR DIE UITSLUITLIKE GEBRUIK VAN LEDE VAN DIE BLANKE RASSEGROEP" or "RESERVED FOR THE SOLE USE OF MEMBERS OF THE WHITE RACE GROUP"). Petty Apartheid consisted of the separation and separate use of public facilities and buildings, e.g. B. in schools, swimming pools and beach sections by the sea, at park benches, 13

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1979, if at all, the complex and historically unique web of historical, ethnological, demographic, ideological-religious, socio-political, state and constitutional law, which has arisen in three colonial phases in around 300 years of colonial history since 1652, can be explained Understand socio-economic and also psychological causes and developments. The goal pursued with the racist laws to promote “independent development” since 1913 (Natives' Land Act), in the narrower sense only since 1948 (after the election victory of the Nasionale Party, founded in 1913)), ethnically homogeneous population structures and living areas under white domination to be established throughout South Africa (apartheid) 36, not only led to social problems but also to problems in the economy as early as the 1970s. For example, there is a shortage of skilled workers and the problematic segmentation of the South African labor market into three almost autonomous sub-markets that are separated according to ethnic criteria37. Many of the problems on the South African labor markets belong to the “structural incompatibilities” 38 of the former minority rule in South Africa. public transport (buses and trains), cinemas and concert halls, hospitals, restaurants, public toilets up to cemeteries and also the prohibition of mixed marriages (see Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act 1949 and the extension of the Immorality Amendment Act 1950 in Table 4 at the end of section 2.3). The first withdrawals of apartheid began around the mid-1980s under President P. W. Botha (1984–1989), who ruled until shortly before Nelson Mandela's release from prison. In his earlier years in office, Botha appeared more like a “hardliner” for an intensification of apartheid, but in later years, also because of the great negative economic consequences of apartheid, he switched to a compromise-ready course by giving full voting rights without blacks to want, various provisions of the extensive body of law of apartheid legislation, z. B. the allocation of residential areas (for “non-whites”), the Group Areas Act, but above all the “prohibition of mixed marriages”. For a differentiated biography and character study of President Botha see Rhoodie (1989). 36 Mainly with resettlement measures (homelands), separate residential areas, schools, public facilities and transport, and job reservation. 37 Primary market with high-level manpower, i.e. H. usually still mostly white technicians and managers, subordinate primary labor market, v. a. traditionally unionized semi-skilled (semi-skilled) workers who mostly work in the manufacturing industry and are organized in COSATU or NACTU and a secondary market with mainly black unskilled and non-unionized workers; see Beck (1997). 38 See Price (1991), pp. 5–12.

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It is precisely the incompatibilities of an emerging industrial country with a racial oligarchy that led to South Africa's political and social divisions and to a movement in the political, social and economic system in the direction of urgently needed legal, political, social and economic change (Transformation39). All the more so since the country was more and more isolated internationally and was more isolated in economic, military and socio-cultural areas until the noticeable dismantling of apartheid from the end of the 1980s and above all from the beginning of the 1990s. B. Chile, Israel or Taiwan.40 Although between 1989 and 1994 41 of 47 sub-Saharan African countries were in political transition or reform processes and some countries were able to hold general and free elections for the first time41, South Africa is a special case to classify the African continent, which cannot be compared with other African countries. South Africa was seen as a beacon of hope and a good example for all of Africa, as the transition to democracy and the beginning South African transformation process had proven that a prosperous common policy of former arch enemies is possible and that the negotiated political solution for a new South Africa in the event of a successful further development is precisely because of this its difficult initial situation can serve as a model for other countries around the world.42 39 Cf. Price (1991), p. 5: Price assumes that precisely the “dialectic struggle” between the two forces “pressure with regard to political change on the part of the black Majority ”and“ countermeasures by the government to maintain white supremacy ”have established a change dynamic that has“ driven ”the South African political and socio-economic system towards transformation. 40 See Geldenhuys (1989), pp. 58-59. 41 In the early to mid-1990s there was agreement among Africanists, even enthusiasm, that “Democratic Experiments” (see the book title of the same name and the overview of “Africa's Divergent Transitions, 1990–1994”) were taking place throughout Africa, especially in southern Africa. in Bratton & van de Walle (1998), pp. 97–127), as the author as a participant in the Association of Africanists in Germany e. V. (VAD) held conferences at German universities again and again. Other African experts also called for more focus on “African alternatives” and “African non-governmental organizations” (cf. Hansohm (1994a), Hansohm (1994b) and Hansohm & Kappel (1994)). 42 On the harbingers of a transition process in South Africa from 1975–1990 see Price (1991), pp. 5–12, on the beginning or more intensive early transition process in the “New South Africa” between 1990 and 1994 see Adam & Moodley (1993b) , especially chap. 2ff, p. 39ff .; Ohlson, Stedman & Davies (1994), in particular pp. 131-137 and Drechsel & Schmidt (1995). 15th

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1 Thematic introduction

As the easiest approach to understanding this strongly interdependent network of causes for the development of apartheid towards totalitarian rule, which only allowed the residents of South Africa classified as “white” to have and exercise full democratic rights43, important terms should first be explained and explained. Then an overview of the causes, reasons and backgrounds of the emergence of apartheid and the apartheid society should be offered. Their increasing questioning for moral, but also for economic and military reasons, is also examined, as is the process of abolishing apartheid in the transition to a democratic and social welfare state with a democratic party system based on a fundamentally market economy in the sense of the social market economy. Quite similar to that of the Federal Republic of Germany, i.e. a welfare state based on a social market economy with the following, for such typical basic goals: economic growth to enable all citizens to have higher incomes and better redistribution, productive jobs for those who want to work, price level stability, A performance-based distribution of income, a social security system and social benefits for those who have no or only a very low income.44 The astonished experts and long-time scientific observers of the South African situation, after centuries of discrimination and more than 40 years of apartheid, came across the transition to democracy like a " Miracle ”(“ miracle ”etc.45), and for the qualitative assessment of the type and course of the change, this term was also used again and again.46

43 Cf. Basset (2008), p. 238, fn 1. 44 Cf. Ahrens (1991), pp. 101-102. The former director of the World Development Institute at Boston University, Prof. Paul Streeten, explains the importance of economic growth very simply and clearly: "Growth produces options, it enlarges people's choices, and it makes changes and adjustments easier to bear" (Saff & Streeten (1992), p. 58), while low economic growth, “poor economic performance restricts government's resources, fosters social conflict, and undermines the legitimacy of electoral regimes” (Lewis (2012), p. 69). This is a statement that is not only valid for South Africa, but also for many African countries. 45 See in great detail Sparks (2009), pp. 170–201. 46 See the detailed collection of essays on the subject in Friedman & Atkinson (1994), Schmidt (1996c), p. 341, Waldmeir (2001) - already in the title of their monograph - and many others. From the course of this “miracle” with the creation of the “Rainbow Nation” one drew hope from this “example” for possible “African Rainbows” in other African countries, even for difficult situations in other countries (cf. Theron & Swart (2008), P. 21).

1.1 Introduction to the topic, problem and basic terms

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